Would King Henry VIII have been granted British citizenship?
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Labour’s “earned settlement” reforms revive questions about morality, merit and what good character really means
When reviewing the Home Office’s nationality guidance on the good character requirement, one example of “notoriety” stands out: King Henry VIII, cited for beheading two of his wives. The implication is striking, one of Britain’s most powerful monarchs would fail to meet the requirements for British citizenship.
If Henry VIII were not born in the UK, his naturalisation application would face insurmountable hurdles under today’s rules. The Home Office assesses several factors when determining good character:
- Criminal convictions: Henry ordered the executions of two wives, Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard, as well as political figures such as Sir Thomas More and Thomas Cromwell. While legal under his reign, these would amount to murder under modern law.
- Financial conduct: His dissolution of the monasteries and confiscation of wealth could today be seen as theft or asset seizure.
- Human rights: His persecution of Catholics following the break with Rome would constitute serious violations of freedom of religion under the European Convention on Human Rights.
By any modern measure, Henry VIII would be deemed unfit for citizenship. The Home Office can refuse applications from anyone whose presence is “not conducive to the public good”, a category a serial wife-murderer would surely fall into.
The irony is rich: Henry VIII ruled England for 38 years, created the Church of England, and shaped the nation’s legal and cultural identity. Yet, under current standards, his conduct would render him manifestly unsuitable for British citizenship. The example underscores a principle that no one is above the good character requirement, not wealth, fame, nor history itself. This principle has renewed relevance amid the Labour government’s proposed reforms to introduce “earned settlement”, a framework requiring migrants to demonstrate sustained positive contributions before gaining indefinite leave to remain (ILR) or citizenship.
These reforms would shift the system from focusing on residence and compliance towards a merit-based approach rewarding integration, contribution, and good character. Proposed criteria include:
- Economic contribution: sustained employment, tax payments, and self-sufficiency
- Community engagement: volunteering or civic participation
- Integration: advanced English proficiency and understanding of British culture
- Compliance: a clean UK immigration record
While the intent is to celebrate contribution, concerns remain. Broad character assessments risk subjectivity and inconsistency, what counts as “positive contribution” or “integration” may vary across communities.
There are also rights concerns. If settlement becomes conditional, migrants might avoid legitimate political expression for fear of jeopardising their status. Moreover, those working long hours in low-paid roles, with caring responsibilities or disabilities, could struggle to meet expectations for civic engagement, creating a two-tier system based on opportunity, not intent.
Extended probationary periods of up to ten years could further entrench uncertainty, hindering integration rather than fostering it. It is difficult to feel “at home” when one’s right to remain is still under review.
A new social contract
The earned settlement model represents a fundamental rethinking of the social contract between migrants and the British state. Instead of citizenship following from lawful residence, it would have to be earned through measurable contribution.
This raises profound questions. Is British citizenship merely a legal status, or does it signify a deeper form of belonging? Should lawful residence and good character suffice, or must individuals prove exceptional value to the nation? And how far should the state go in judging “character” and “integration”?
Conclusion
The Henry VIII example, illustrating how one of England’s most consequential rulers would fail the modern test, reminds us that citizenship is judged by today’s moral and legal standards, not by history or power.
The Labour government’s proposals could create a more rigorous, merit-based system that rewards genuine integration while maintaining high ethical standards. Yet the risks are clear: subjectivity, inequality, and prolonged insecurity for migrants. Ultimately, the challenge lies in balancing rigour with fairness. Citizenship must remain a privilege that reflects shared values, but one accessible to those who contribute, comply, and belong.
Henry VIII, for all his historical significance, would not have met that bar, proof that in modern Britain, character matters more than crowns.